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the male population is given by age. Since only rural-urban migration is considered and movement to other rural areas is classified as "never migrated," these figures understate the mobility of this group. Nonetheless it is quite impressive that only somewhat more than half of the age group 25 to 44 has never migrated. The female distribution, which is not given here, has a similar profile, but with substantially less migration. (The percentages "never migrated" are 72, 74, and 73 for the age groups 20 to 24, 25 to 29, and 30 to 44, with the total figure being 78 percent compared to 69 percent for males.) However, migrant sex differences are less among the younger ages, and Cald-well suggests that this represents an important change in the migration patterns of Ghana. Seasonal migration, however, remains a predominantly male undertaking regardless of age.
Return Migration. Perhaps most interesting in this table is the "permanent returnee," since it taps a form of migration for which it has always been difficult, especially by means of censuses, to obtain information. In Ghana migration to large cities typically is made with the expectation of returning eventually to the village at retirement age if not sooner (12, pp. 185-200). I do not know how widespread this pattern is in the rest of tropical Africa, but the retirement pattern is not nearly as common in Latin America. Return migration is doubtless quite substantial in all countries, although data deficiencies preclude comparisons. In Cedral, Mexico, where there has been a history of out-migration from a long-depressed area, 34 percent of the men interviewed had left the community as a migrant (defined as those who move away for at least 6 months) and had returned by the time of the survey. Of all men 13 percent were return migrants from Monterrey.
The reasons for return migration to rural areas are many and not easily classifiable. Caldwell's study asked a question about why people return from towns and do not want to go there again. The two main responses were about equal (each about 40 percent): "they preferred village life" or "they did not succeed in the town." Less important (less than 20 percent) was the response, "they had made enough money."
Whatever people report to be the reasons for return migration, a comparative study of the phenomenon would probably find that return migration rates are related to the stability of labor demand in the cities. Mohsin (28, p. 59) states, "The failure of the industrial sector to provide them [migrants] with decent and stable work facilities, and also the seasonal decline of urban employment force these migrants to Indian cities to maintain close ties with their folks at their native places." Gutkind (29) reviewing the evidence for Africa, takes much the same position. In addition to fluctuations in demand for labor, the frequent inadequacies of urban facilities (housing, transportation, etc.) make life difficult. The conclusion to be drawn from this is that if economic opportunity and living conditions in the cities were to be improved, return migration rates would he, et al. (1 3, Ch. 1). Substantively, Ghana differs from Mexico in the predominantly male rural-urban migration, in the multilingual character of the society, in the existence of polygamy, and